By John Krige
In 1945, the U.S. was once not just the most powerful monetary and army energy on the planet; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technology and know-how. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the United States. They mobilized political and monetary aid to advertise not only America's medical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly battle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try out at clinical dominance by way of the usa may be visible as a kind of "consensual hegemony," related to the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this idea to investigate a sequence of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential individuals of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize clinical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations study. He info U.S. help for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's learn exhibits how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar eu reconstruction yet turned in a different way of preserving American management and "making the realm secure for democracy."
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Extra info for American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe (Transformations: Studies in the History of Science and Technology)
Scientific reconstruction faced enormous material and political difficulties in both. In one, external support was spurred by the fear that without rapid economic growth, material prosperity, and better funding for science there would be a massive exodus of skilled manpower. In the other, it was retarded by the fear that rapid scientific reconstruction might feed militaristic ambitions and legitimate a scientific community whose democratic credentials were still in question. This account is not intended to provide a comprehensive survey of the state of science in early postwar Italy or Germany.
In the months that followed, anti-Semitic laws were promulgated by Mussolini’s fascist government, leading to the expulsion of Jews from all public offices, including the universities and the academies. Fermi and his wife, who was Jewish, had had enough. Starved of resources to do frontline physics and disgusted and threatened by the racist regime, Fermi picked up his Nobel Prize in Stockholm in December 1938 and continued on directly to the United States, never to return. He was not the only leading physicist to emigrate: so too did Rasetti, Segrè, and Bruno Rossi (to the United States) while the war drove Giuseppe Occhialini to South America.
Policymakers were convinced that if Communist parties held the upper hand, American aid, instead of being used to develop a freemarket economy, would be directed to quite other objectives. 15 In that same month, Italy’s Christian Democratic leader, Alcide de Gasperi, under pressure from the United States, but also the Catholic Church and his country’s pro-American south, formed a coalition that excluded the Communists from power. S. dollars. In the event, negotiations with the Soviets over the implementation of the plan soon collapsed due to intransigence and suspicion on both sides.