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By J. Donoghue

This ebook vigorously demanding situations the prevailing dominant educational view on ASBOs as misguided instruments of social keep an eye on, and provides an alternate point of view on anti-social habit administration which expressly promotes the belief of ASBOs as in a position to allowing a good means of engagement between neighborhood gurus, housing execs and citizens.

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In this context, critical commentators will likely view the new government ‘drive’ on anti-social behaviour as part of New Labour’s neo-liberal ‘Right-leaning’ or ‘Centre-Right’ law and order policy continuum. And here is where the difficulty lies. To term New Labour’s anti-social behaviour policy as ‘Centre Right’ or indeed, as embodying those ‘principles ... of the Right’ (Downes and Morgan, 2007: 210), is a popular argument within critical criminology. In reading critical scholarship which makes these categorisations of anti-social behaviour policy (and law and order policies more generally), one might reasonably reach the conclusion that ‘Right’, ‘Centre Right’ and ‘Right-leaning’ are necessarily being used in a pejorative sense, particularly in those works where anti-social behaviour and the Respect Agenda are defined as ‘a punitive, exclusionary approach which bears down most heavily on the already stigmatised and marginalised groups in society’ (ibid: p.

Alternatively, critics contend that the orders can only be effective if they are properly enforced, and that the existence of the figures on breach demonstrates that this is not the case. com - licensed to Taiwan eBook Consortium - PalgraveConnect - 2011-03-03 28 29 some practitioners have maintained that breach of an order ‘is not necessarily a failure’. It may be the case that the terms of orders are breached on more than one occasion before the behaviour stops. That the order was breached does not necessarily equate to de facto failure if the intervention does succeed in stopping (or even reducing) the anti-social behaviour.

Moreover, critics have also sought to demonstrate that the fall in the rate of both petty and serious crime in New York during this period, was attributable to factors other than the zero-tolerance approach to policing (see, for example, Bowling, 1999; Karmen, 2001). However, after his visit to New York in 1995 to observe and to bear witness to the apparently impressive outcomes of the zero-tolerance crime policy reforms, New Labour Shadow Home Secretary Jack Straw began to advocate the introduction of a similar approach in Britain.

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